This Image Marks A Major New Era For Northern Ireland. Here’s Why

Michelle O’Neill has just become Northern Ireland’s first minister – making her the first ever leader of a nationalist party to take on the key role.

She was pictured officially taking up the role on Saturday when the Northern Ireland Assembly formally returned.

It also comes after almost two years of deadlock in the Northern Ireland Assembly – also known as Stormont – which stopped the devolved government from sitting at all.

Although the Good Friday Agreement means both nationalists and unionists have to share power for Stormont to operate, politicians from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) held the position of first minister for more than 100 years – until now.

Elections held in May 2022 saw nationalist party Sinn Fein secure the largest number of seats, meaning its own politicians could take the top job in the Executive for the first time ever.

The DUP, as the second largest group in the Assembly, are therefore entitled to install a politician in the deputy first minister role.

Technically, Sinn Fein should have been leading Stormont since the last election, but DUP have been boycotting the government altogether.

In February 2022, the DUP withdrew from the Northern Ireland Assembly in an effort to make Downing Street act on their concerns that the post-Brexit deal was making the region too separate from the rest of the UK.

Trade going from Britain to Northern Ireland was subject to intense checks, unlike trade going between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

This has been a major sticking point ever since Brexit negotiations began after the EU referendum.

The DUP only agreed to a deal with Westminster to resolve the deadlock on Tuesday, and the legislation was fast-tracked through the UK parliament in a bid to get Stormont restored.

According to DUP leader Sir Jeffrey Donaldson, the new deal means there will “no longer be physical checks or identity checks save where, as normal anywhere in the UK, there are suspicions of smuggling of criminal activity”.

O’Neill celebrated the new deal and the restoration of Stormont, describing Tuesday was a “day of optimism”.

She also told the Washington Post she would be a “minister for all” during her remaining term.

The next Stormont election will be held no later than May 2027.

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Why Is The DUP Hesitant About Rishi Sunak’s Brexit Deal?

Rishi Sunak has won praise after chasing the hard yards to get the EU to redraw the controversial Northern Ireland protocol. Now, he has to convince his party to fall behind it.

It may well be an opportunity he relishes, given that so far, the noises coming from Tory MPs about the “Windsor Framework” agreed with European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen seem to be broadly positive.

However, the road ahead is not entirely hurdle-free.

The prime minister will be looking to secure the approval of arguably one of the most important voices in the Brexit debate — Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), which remains concerned about aspects of the deal.

The DUP has close ties with the Brexiteers of the Tory backbench European Research Group (ERG), some of whom are waiting for their judgment before casting their own verdict.

Here, HuffPost UK explains what the DUP’s position on the deal is and why it matters.

What Is The Windsor Framework?

It is a new deal struck by Rishi Sunak and the EU that will replace the Northern Ireland protocol.

At the heart of the arrangement is the idea of green lanes and red lanes. British goods staying in NI will use the green lane at ports, meaning they face minimal paperwork.

Goods travelling into Ireland will use the red lane, meaning they face customs processes and other checks at Northern Ireland ports.

A key part of the deal is an emergency “Stormont brake” on changes to EU goods rules that can be pulled by the NI Assembly.

Time and Space

The DUP has repeatedly said it will take time to consider the substance of the deal before deciding whether to back it.

That process could take weeks, or even months, the party has warned.

However, there is an incentive to come to a conclusion quickly.

The DUP is a joint partner with Sinn Fein in Stormont’s power-sharing execruive that is crucial to the functioning of the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Since February last year, the DUP has boycotted the assembly in protest at the previous Northern Ireland protocol, which Sunak has now replaced to address concerns around sovereignty, disrupted trade and the application of EU law.

Without the DUP’s participation, Stormont cannot function and people in Northern Ireland have effectively been left without a government.

While Sunak has said the DUP should be given “time and space” to consider the agreement, he made it clear that restoring Stormont was of vital importance.

Sunak told an audience in Northern Ireland earlier this week: “The framework is a fantastic agreement that delivers on all the things people care about. So now I hope that they do see it and see that and they can find a way to come back together.”

“It’s what you deserve.”

What are the DUP’s concerns?

The so-called “Stormont brake” has been hailed as the “rabbit in the hat” in the Windsor Framework.

With it, the UK says the Northern Ireland Assembly will effectively be allowed to “block” new EU laws from applying in the country without cross-community support — a key demand of unionists.

Sunak lauded the brake as an “incredibly powerful” mechanism that would allow the people of Northern Ireland to have “control of their own destiny”.

If Assembly members, called MLAs, dislike changes to EU goods laws then 30 of them can sign a petition to trigger a vote to stop the rules from taking effect.

If the vote passes with a majority of nationalist and unionists, the brake will be pulled and the UK government will have the power to veto any new or amended EU law.

But there are some concerns about potential discrepancies in how the UK and EU interpret the brake, after the EU described it as an “emergency mechanism” that could be used “in the most exceptional circumstances, as a last resort”.

Sammy Wilson, the DUP’s chief whip, told Times Radio that the Stormont brake “is not really a brake at all” and that it was just a “delaying mechanism”.

He said the UK government would have the final say over whether to veto a law, which he said it would be reluctant to do due to being “fearful of the consequences of trade for the rest of the United Kingdom”.

“The price of that would be that the EU would take retaliatory action,” he said, adding that he suspects the Stormont brake would therefore be “fairly ineffective”.

Splits in the DUP

According to the Times, division is emerging between the DUPs’ members in Stormont — who are keen to get the assembly back up and running — and the party’s MPs in Westminster, who are taking a harder and more sceptical line against the deal.

Although he said that changes may need to be made to the deal and that “key issues of concern remain”, the DUP’s leader, Jeffrey Donaldson did also hail the “significant progress” that Sunak had achieved.

But other key players have spoken out against the deal, with Ian Paisley Junior saying it did not “cut the mustard” and was likely to be rejected.

The DUP will also be conscious of the threat it faces from Jim Allister, the founder and leader of Traditional Unionist Voice in the lead up to the local elections in May.

Allister, a former member of the DUP, will be looking to brand any talk of compromise as a sell out and a betrayal.

What has the ERG said?

Mark Francois, the chairman of ERG, said the group’s “star chamber” of lawyers were now poring over the deal and that it would aim to come to a conclusion “within a fortnight”.

He said he had sought assurances that he “won’t find any nasty surprises” when analysing the deal.

Does Sunak need the DUP to get the deal through parliament?

Technically Sunak does not need the support of the DUP, or even the ERG, to get the deal through the Commons after Labour confirmed it would vote with the government.

However, the prime minister will want to get the DUP on board as that will reduce any potential Tory rebellion. If he does not, the party could use its powerful voice to undermine the deal at every opportunity — something he will want to avoid at all costs.

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What Will Be In Rishi Sunak’s Brexit Deal And Will MPs Back It?

After months of impasse over the Northern Ireland protocol, Rishi Sunak is finally preparing to present a new deal to parliament that could be the defining moment of his premiership.

The prime minister holding talks with European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen to put the final touches to the new arrangements.

While it is not yet known what is in the deal, there are a number of key issues that Sunak has sought to address — including ticking his “three boxes” of sovereignty for Northern Ireland, safeguarding its place in the Union and easing disruption for people and businesses.

However, while Sunak and the EU may now be on the same page, it is not guaranteed that everyone in the Tory Party, and the Democratic Unionist Party, will be on board.

Here HuffPost UK takes you through what could be in Sunak’s deal and what the key sticking points are.

The protocol is a trading arrangement, negotiated during Brexit talks, that allows goods to be transported across the border between Northern Ireland and Ireland without the need for customs checks.

The deal was aimed at protecting the delicate Good Friday Agreement by avoiding putting up a hard border between NI and the Republic.

However, unionist parties argue that the protocol instead places an effective border in the Irish Sea, undermining Northern Ireland’s place within the UK.

Goods moving from GB to NI currently have to undergo vigorous checks because they may end up in the Republic of Ireland, which remains in the EU’s single market. That has created friction and disruption for businesses which the UK and EU both want to solve.

The protocol is so disliked by the DUP, Northern Ireland’s largest unionist party, that it has refused to take part in the power-sharing government with Sinn Fein at Stormont unless its concerns are resolved.

What are the main the problems with the protocol?

Unionists are concerned about the disruption to trade that has resulted from checks at Northern Ireland’s ports, as well as the fact that the country is being treated differently from the rest of the UK — something they regard as unacceptable.

Alongside that, unionists do not like that Northern Ireland has to follow some EU rules, without having a say on how those rules work. They call this the “democratic deficit”.

A particular gripe for Brexiteers and unionists is the role that the European Court of Justice (ECJ) plays in solving potential disputes in Northern Ireland.

While the protocol has created an economic advantage for Northern Ireland in that it can sell both within the UK internal market and into the EU single market, because it has to follow some EU laws, it also falls under the jurisdiction of the ECJ.

Put simply, the DUP want the ECJ’s influence in Northern Ireland removed entirely.

What changes could there be?

Sunak is understood to have negotiated a new arrangement to avoid customs checks on the vast majority of goods travelling between Britain and Northern Ireland.

The new deal is expected to see the creation of “green” and “red” lanes.

Goods that are only destined for Northern Ireland will enter ports via the green lane and be subject to minimal checks. Those that are due to end up in the Republic of Ireland will go through the red lane and will have to undergo full EU checks.

While Brexiteers and unionists want Northern Ireland to be free from the ECJ, for the EU its role is a red line — if the region is to enjoy the perks of being in the single market then it must abide by the rules like other EU member states.

The compromise that could be achieved is a reduced and minimal role for the ECJ.

Deputy prime minister Dominic Raab said the reduction in trade red tape would lead to a “substantial scaling back” of the role of the ECJ — but he did refuse to rule out the court having a say on future legal cases, which could prove unpalatable to the DUP.

According to the Times, the deal could ensure that Brussels would have to notify Britain if it intends to apply any future regulations to Northern Ireland, which it could raise objections to.

The Speaker of the Northern Ireland Assembly may also be able to delay any potential regulation by having the power to put it to a vote.

The newspaper reports that if there are any disputes over the application of EU law in Northern Ireland, the region’s courts would consider it first and then decide whether to refer the issue to the ECJ.

Will MPs back the deal?

The groups that Sunak needs to woo the hardest include the Brexiteers in the European Research Group (ERG) and the DUP — who want the complete eradication of EU law from Northern Ireland.

ERG chairman Mark Francois yesterday warned that the agreement must mean an end to EU laws being imposed on Northern Ireland and that there simply being “less of a role” for the ECJ was “not good enough”.

The Conservative former minister told Sky News’ Sophy Ridge: “What we want is a situation where EU law is expunged from Northern Ireland, so it is treated on the same basis as England, Scotland and Wales.”

Asked whether he would therefore not back any deal if the ECJ has any role in it, he said: “We have left the European Union. It doesn’t have that role now in England or in Scotland or in Wales.

“So, if we’re going to treat Northern Ireland as an integral part of the United Kingdom, then we have to get rid of the EU law in Northern Ireland. We’ve been absolutely consistent on this.”

The DUP has issued seven tests Sunak must meet if it is to back the deal, including that the people of Northern Ireland are given a say on the laws that affect them, that there are no checks moving between GB and NI and vice versa, and that there must be no border in the Irish Sea.

The DUP has also made it clear that it wants to see the text of the new legal framework — something the prime minister has not yet agreed to.

While Sunak promised that parliament would be allowed to “express its view” on the deal, it is not yet clear whether that will translate into a parliamentary vote.

However, if there is one, Sunak will want to avoid the scenes we saw under Theresa May — where there was deadlock in the Commons Chamber.

Opinion is divided over how important the DUP’s approval is — former Cabinet minister Jacob Rees-Mogg said the scale of any potential revolt against Sunak would “depend on the DUP”.

“If the DUP are against it, I think there will be quite a significant number of Conservatives who are unhappy,” he told GB News.

However, while Sunak will hope to the get the ERG and DUP on board, because Labour has said it will vote with the government in favour of the deal, he may be able to do it without them.

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King Charles Frustrated After Another Pen Mishap

King Charles was visibly frustrated during a signing ceremony in Northern Ireland as the new monarch had his second mishap in recent days involving a pen.

The King was visiting Hillsborough Castle, Northern Ireland’s only royal residence, where he was filmed signing the estate’s visitors’ book as part of a tour of the UK following the death of his mother, Queen Elizabeth.

But his pen leaked, much to the new King Charles’s annoyance.

Turning to his wife Camilla, the Queen Consort, he says: “Oh God, I hate this (pen).”

Camilla quickly pointed out the pen’s ink had leaked over the book, saying: “Oh look, it’s going everywhere.”

Wiping his fingers, King Charles continued: “I can’t bear this bloody thing. What they do, every stinking time.”

The King is known to carry his own fountain pen for when he is frequently called on to sign visitors’ books during royal visits.

In the much-shared clip, the King also forgot the date.

“Is it September the 12th?,” he asked an aide.

When told it was the 13th, he said, “Oh god, I’ve put the wrong date down.”

Camilla then said to him rather sharply: “You signed the 12th earlier.”

On Saturday, the new monarch went viral after a clip showed him shooing staff to clear his desk while he signed his accession proclamation.

In the footage, the King fans his hand dismissively at an aide to direct the moving of an ink pot.

The King’s tetchy response comes less than a week after his mother’s death, and during a marathon series of events to marks an official period of mourning,

The emergence of the clips reflect the unprecedented access granted to the cameras under the UK’s new head of state.

Last week, the King told Liz Truss that the Queen’s death was a “moment I’ve been dreading” as the new prime minister had her first audience with the monarch at Buckingham Palace. The meeting is usually private.

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Northern Ireland Receives King Charles III With Grief And Bated Breath

When Queen Elizabeth II visited the Republic of Ireland in 2011, it was a moment of sensitivity and reconciliation, signalling the seismic shift towards longer-lasting peace between Ireland and the UK.

Beginning her speech in Irish, the Queen made every effort to unify two countries with a difficult and complex history.

“With the benefit of historical hindsight, we can all see things which we would wish had been done differently or not at all,” she told guests at a state dinner in Dublin Castle.

However, in this week of her death, as King Charles III ascends the British throne, the relationship between our islands, among those north and south of the Irish border, remains fractious.

As the King arrived at his official residence of Hillsborough Castle near Belfast on Tuesday – his fortieth trip to Northern Ireland – former Irish Taoiseach John Bruton told Sky News, “in many ways, intergovernmental relations between Britain and Ireland are much, much worse now, than they were when the Queen visited in [2011], and that needs to be repaired by the two governments”.

Brexit has maimed relations across the UK, but in particular has dug up dormant hostilities between communities in Northern Ireland.

King Charles arrives not only mourning his mother – a uniting figure within the UK by many accounts – but in the wake of sustained political tensions between the Republic and the UK over its land border and trade impacts arising from Brexit.

Despite this, the response among political parties to the sudden passing of the Queen has been one of particular sympathy and sensitivity – for the most part.

The Union Jack flies at full mast at Hillsborough Castle, Belfast, after the Proclamation of Accession of King Charles III.
The Union Jack flies at full mast at Hillsborough Castle, Belfast, after the Proclamation of Accession of King Charles III.

Brian Lawless – PA Images via Getty Images

On the Queen’s passing, Taoiseach Micheál Martin recalled “the warmth of the welcome she received from the public in Cork during her walkabout” in 2011.

Sinn Féin, which for many years during the Troubles was considered the political wing of the Irish Republican Army, sent “sincere condolences” to the King and party figures plan to attend events during the 10 days of mourning. Party president Mary Lou McDonald said she was “a powerful advocate and ally of those who believe in peace and reconciliation”.

However, the party stayed clear of Hillsborough Castle on Sunday for the proclamation of the King’s accession.

Ms McDonald said she did not attend as the ceremony was “intended for those whose political allegiance is to the British Crown”, and many senior party figures in Northern Ireland attended a rally in Belfast for victims of the Troubles instead.

No surprise there, though a far cry from past hostilities.

A notable outlier in the Republic was the left-wing People Before Profit party, who waited barely a day after the Queen’s passing to call for an end to monarchy.

While that’s not an unpopular sentiment in the Republic, and certainly among Republican communities in Northern Ireland, the reaction outside the political gauntlet has been less celebratory than you might expect – despite the Fenian blood running through our veins.

Monarchists in the Republic are few and far between, not least while we still live in the shadow of 800 years of British oppression – but while some like to joke about the Queen’s death – football hooligans chanting “Lizzy’s in a box” come to mind – her death has undoubtedly caused some upset.

Britain’s influence – and impact – on Ireland goes much further than Brexit ruining the fun for everyone. A cultural fascination with the royals has bled through the border over the years via British media. You’re unlikely to see many a Union Jack south of the border, but there is a palpable sense of loss for the woman who has been an influential figure on the world stage for 70 years.

Are there memes? Yes, Irish Twitter has been full of them and no column has enough lines to explain why the Queen might be reincarnated in the (misreported) birth of Trisha Paytas’s baby.

But underneath this social media frenzy, and the ability of Twitter to throw up jokes on just about any tragedy, is what can only be described as ambivalence towards the monarchy – particularly among young people.

Despite a respect for the duties the Queen carried out, there’s a quiet agnosticism about the institution that leaves many bewildered by the sense of grief washing over Britons in recent days.

But while King Charles ascends at a time of complex feelings about the Crown across the UK, not least among the Black community, he remains fiercely popular among Unionists in Northern Ireland.

Floral tributes left for the Queen outside Hillsborough Castle during the King's visit.
Floral tributes left for the Queen outside Hillsborough Castle during the King’s visit.

Charles McQuillan via Getty Images

The meadow of flowers that greeted his arrival at Hillsborough on Tuesday reflects the devotion many have for the Queen – and their new King. A sea of smiling spectators, many of whom arrived after dawn to get a good spot, shouted “long live the King” as he entered his official residence.

“[King Charles] is a unifying figure among Irish people in the sense he is highly regarded in the Republic of Ireland,” Mr Bruton told Sky News.

“But also, as you can see, very highly regarded in Northern Ireland. Obviously there are divides in Northern Ireland where part of the community… doesn’t have quite the same attitude towards the Union.”

Obviously indeed. The reaction in the Republican community seems more akin to Glaswegians after Margaret Thatcher died. No more need be said.

And while there has been political consensus through the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, there’s hasn’t been a reconciliation between the two communities, Mr Bruton said.

“There is quite a deep level of polarisation in Northern Ireland, but I think the King, personally, can help create an atmosphere in which reconciliation becomes more possible.”

And Charles himself? Speaking at Hillsborough Castle on Tuesday, the King said that with the “shining example” of his mother’s duty to Northern Ireland, and “with God’s help, I take up my new duties resolved to seek the welfare of all the inhabitants of Northern Ireland”.

Ireland waits with bated breath to see if King Charles will indeed foster unity on this island – if, that is, people are listening to him at all.

Conor Capplis is a journalist with the Irish Examiner based in Cork.

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Boris Johnson Threatens To Suspend Key Brexit Deal Over Sausage War

Boris Johnson has threatened to suspend a key Brexit deal on Northern Ireland in an increasingly bitter row with the EU.

The prime minister spoke after meeting key EU players in the margins of the G7 summit in Cornwall, as wrangling over the Northern Ireland protocol threatened to overshadow the gathering.

French president Emmanuel Macron on Saturday morning urged Johnson to “keep his word” and apply the protocol in full, while European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen and European Council leader Charles Michel told him to “implement what we agreed on”.

German chancellor Angela Merkel also discussed the issue in talks with Johnson, who has now hit back with a complaint that the EU was being “theologically draconian” about the deal.

EXPLAINED Why A Brexit Sausage War Risks Overshadowing The Entire G7 Summit

Downing Street has indicated the UK would be prepared to unilaterally delay the full implementation of the protocol to prevent a ban on chilled meats crossing the Irish Sea from Great Britain.

Restrictions on British-produced chilled meats entering Northern Ireland are due to come into force at the end of the month, triggering talk of a so-called “sausage war”.

Johnson has now warned that unless there was a solution he would invoke Article 16 of the protocol which allows either side to take unilateral action to suspend the deal if its implementation were to lead to “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties”.

Explaining his position, the PM told Channel 4 News: “It’s stated abundantly in the text that the protocol should be implemented in such a way as to ensure free trade, free movement of goods between Great Britain and Northern Ireland and all parts of the UK.

“It’s not working like that at the moment. We need to make sure it’s applied in a sensible way.

“There’s no reason at all to have prohibitions or barriers to the movement of potted plants, tractor parts, guide dogs for the blind, chilled meats – you name it – from Great Britain to Northern Ireland.”

On Sky News, he added: “I think we can sort it out but… it is up to our EU friends and partners to understand that we will do whatever it takes.

“I think if the protocol continues to be applied in this way, then we will obviously not hesitate to invoke Article 16, as I have said before.

“Don’t forget, the EU themselves invoked Article 16 in January, to disapply the protocol, so they can stop removal of vaccines from the EU to the UK.

“I’ve talked to some of our friends here today, who do seem to misunderstand that the UK is a single country, a single territory. I just need to get that into their heads.”

Johnson used the meetings with EU leaders to call for “pragmatism and compromise on all sides”, repeating his call to “minimise the impact [of the protocol] on the day-to-day lives of people in Northern Ireland”.

“I certainly think that the protocol is capable of being used and interpreted – by the way, up to the EU – in a pragmatic way or a theologically draconian way,” he told Channel 5.

“At the moment we are seeing… a lot of unnecessary difficulties. I think we can sort it out, with goodwill.

“What we don’t want to see is any more unnecessary barriers to trade and we want to sort it out as fast as we can, I’m sure with goodwill we can.”

Asked if there would be a trade war if agreement could not be reached, Johnson said: “The UK will do whatever we need to do to protect the UK internal market.”

“I don’t happen to think that a trade war is a very sensible or likely way forward. 

“I just think that we need some pragmatic solutions.”

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EU Accused Of ‘Almost Trumpian Act’ After Backtracking On Vaccine Block

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Why Brexit Still Isn’t ‘Done’ – Despite Boris Johnson’s Deal

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Government Cites Gina Miller Case To Defend Breaching Own Brexit Deal

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No New Coronavirus Hospital Deaths In Northern Ireland As UK Figure Rises By 142

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